Election Crime Bureau

Made possible by the Lindell Offense Fund

Foreign Interference

The Foreign Interference findings show that in 2020 the United States conducted a presidential election using critical infrastructure whose hardware, software, data flows, and information environment were all measurably exposed to adversarial foreign jurisdictions and operations, while the intelligence system responsible for detecting and deterring that interference was itself politicized and partially blinded.

Taken together, these findings depict a national‑security posture in which: (1) foreign adversaries had real, technically credible opportunities to observe or affect U.S. election systems, data, and voters; (2) the upstream supply chain and vendor ecosystem embedded high‑risk foreign ties directly into the core of U.S. election infrastructure; and (3) the intelligence and cyber‑defense architecture charged with detecting and responding to such interference was compromised by politicization and by systematic withholding of logs, routers, and assessments needed to “close the loop.” From a national security perspective, the collective impact is that the United States cannot presently give an authoritative, evidence‑complete answer to whether and how 2020 election systems were exploited by foreign actors, and that ambiguity itself functions as a strategic vulnerability that adversaries can exploit in future cycles unless there is declassification of suppressed intelligence, hardware‑level forensics, supply‑chain remediation, and a restructuring of election‑related intelligence oversight.

MOST SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS

1

Foreign IP Artifacts Recovered From Deployed Voting Devices — Network Perimeter Breach

Court-authorized forensic examination of a Dominion ImageCast X in Antrim County, Michigan recovered foreign IP addresses in unallocated storage: an IP registered to Taiwan’s Ministry of Education Computer Center and a German cloud provider in Nuremberg. ESS DS200 tabulators in Michigan carried active Verizon 4G cellular modems configured to transmit results to a network address reachable only via the public internet — directly contradicting sworn testimony by the ESS CEO that the machines were not internet-connected. A Pennsylvania ballot-adjudication device was accessed from a Canadian IP without state authorization. Vendor executives denied connectivity under oath; the forensic record contradicts those denials.

2

Chinese-Manufactured Components and Foreign Data Centers Inside the Election Supply Chain

Internal Dominion Voting Systems emails confirm 39–48% of programmable components in tabulators deployed across Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, and Pennsylvania were manufactured in China. ESS CEO Tom Burt testified under oath in January 2020 that DS200 programmable logic devices are Chinese-manufactured — reprogrammable components subject to the PRC’s full intelligence oversight regime. Dominion’s primary data center in Belgrade, Serbia was established with Huawei as strategic infrastructure partner — the same Huawei that Congress subsequently barred from U.S. federal critical infrastructure under NDAA § 889. An Interos supply-chain map found 19.6% of tabulator components originate from China-based companies.

3

U.S. Election Data Exfiltrated to Chinese Government Servers — Konnech Inc.

Konnech Inc., an East Lansing, Michigan election-logistics vendor, transferred poll-worker personally identifiable information, facility schematics, and operational logistics to servers physically located in China managed by its subsidiary Jinhua Konnech, where Chinese nationals with CCP-proximate affiliations held developer-level access. CEO Eugene Yu was arrested by the Los Angeles County District Attorney in October 2022; the case was dismissed on jurisdictional grounds — not on the merits — leaving the underlying data transfer unresolved. Under Article 37 of the PRC Cybersecurity Law, data on Chinese servers is accessible to the Chinese government on demand.

4

CIA Analysts Suppressed Chinese Interference Assessments on Explicit Political Grounds

A January 7, 2021, memorandum from Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe formally documented that career CIA China analysts declined to assess Chinese election interference because they “tend to disagree with the administration’s policies” — a violation of IRTPA Analytic Standard B (Independence of Political Considerations). The suppressed China assessment was never publicly disclosed; the E.O. 13848 mandatory post-election sanctions assessment was never completed. The statutory mechanism Congress created to respond to foreign election interference was disabled from inside the intelligence community itself.

5

Iran Conducted Charged Cyber Operations Against U.S. Voters and Voting Infrastructure

Two Iranian nationals — Seyyed Mohammad Hosein Musa Kazemi and Sajjad Kashian — were charged in the Southern District of New York with obtaining confidential voter data from at least one state election website, sending threatening emails to voters, attempting unauthorized access to multiple states’ voting-related websites, and penetrating a U.S. media company’s network to disseminate false election claims. Additionally, the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic concluded COVID-19 “most likely emerged from a laboratory in Wuhan, China” — meaning the public-health rationale that converted the 2020 election to mail-ballot scale originated in a foreign research incident.

 

WHY SUBSTANTIVE RESOLUTION IS ESSENTIAL

Election systems were designated critical infrastructure by DHS in January 2017 — a designation premised on the assumption that the hardware, software, data, and network architecture of U.S. elections are under American control. The Foreign Interference findings destroy that premise at every layer. Foreign-manufactured components sit inside certified tabulators. Foreign data centers route election results. Foreign developers maintain voting-system code. Foreign servers hold poll-worker credentials. A foreign intelligence service’s interference assessment was suppressed by the analysts charged with producing it. And Iran ran a named, prosecuted cyber operation against U.S. voters during the election. Failure to address this attack vector means every subsequent U.S. election will be conducted on infrastructure whose foreign exposure has been publicly documented but never remediated — and on the judgment of an intelligence community whose independence on foreign election interference has been structurally compromised.

NATIONAL SECURITY IMPLICATION:  Foreign adversaries — China, Iran, Venezuela-linked actors, and others — had documented, technically credible access to U.S. election hardware, software, voter data, and poll-worker operations during the 2020 cycle. The intelligence architecture that should have detected, assessed, and triggered mandatory sanctions in response was compromised by career analysts acting on explicit political grounds. The statutory E.O. 13848 foreign-interference response mechanism was never activated. This is not a historical vulnerability; it is the current operational posture of U.S. election infrastructure, and every future adversary will plan around it.