2020 Election Analysis
To assess the materiality of alleged electoral irregularities in the 2020 presidential election, a threshold analysis must first establish the minimum vote margin required to alter the election outcome. Under Article II of the United States Constitution and the Twelfth Amendment, presidential election results are determined by Electoral College allocation, requiring a candidate to secure an absolute majority of 270 electoral votes for victory. Each state’s Electoral College votes are apportioned and awarded pursuant to state-specific statutory frameworks and constitutional provisions.
Historical electoral data demonstrates consistent partisan voting patterns across jurisdictions, yielding a tripartite classification: reliably Republican states (“red states”), reliably Democratic states (“blue states”), and competitive jurisdictions (“swing states” or “battleground states”). Given the relative predictability of outcomes in non-competitive states, presidential election results typically pivot on the outcomes in these battleground jurisdictions, where neither major party maintains a durable electoral advantage.
Within each battleground state, electoral outcomes are frequently determined by vote margins in strategically significant counties. These jurisdictions often contain populous municipalities whose vote tallies substantially influence county-level results, which in turn aggregate to determine statewide Electoral College allocation. This hierarchical relationship between municipal, county, and state-level results creates identifiable pressure points where relatively modest vote shifts could alter statewide outcomes.
The following analysis examines the specific vote thresholds at the state, county, and municipal levels that would have been necessary to reverse the certified 2020 presidential election results. This quantitative framework establishes the evidentiary burden required for allegations of electoral irregularities to meet the materiality threshold—that is, whether alleged irregularities occurred in sufficient magnitude to have plausibly affected the constitutional outcome of the election.
Battleground States
In the wake of the 2020 election, Joe Biden was declared the winner of 306 electoral votes to Donald Trump’s 232, a margin of 74 electoral votes. Analysts generally focus on five Trump‑to‑Biden flip states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
- If Arizona (11 EV), Georgia (16 EV), and Wisconsin (10 EV) had flipped from Biden to Trump, Biden’s total would have dropped by 37 (306 − 37 = 269) and Trump’s would have risen by 37 (232 + 37 = 269), producing a 269–269 Electoral College tie, triggering a House contingent election that, under the then‑current state‑delegation balance, would likely have selected Trump.
- If instead any combination of battlegrounds totaling at least 37 Biden electoral votes had flipped (for example, Pennsylvania (20) + Georgia (16) + one more EV, such as Nebraska‑2, or Pennsylvania + Michigan (16) + any one of AZ/GA/WI), Trump would have reached or exceeded 270 outright and flipped the result.
So, in practice, three of the close battlegrounds (like AZ, GA, WI) was the minimum number to change the 2020 outcome from a Biden win to at least a tied or Trump‑favored result.
2020 Election Analysis
To assess the materiality of alleged electoral irregularities in the 2020 presidential election, a threshold analysis must first establish the minimum vote margin required to alter the election outcome. Under Article II of the United States Constitution and the Twelfth Amendment, presidential election results are determined by Electoral College allocation, requiring a candidate to secure an absolute majority of 270 electoral votes for victory. Each state’s Electoral College votes are apportioned and awarded pursuant to state-specific statutory frameworks and constitutional provisions.
Historical electoral data demonstrates consistent partisan voting patterns across jurisdictions, yielding a tripartite classification: reliably Republican states (“red states”), reliably Democratic states (“blue states”), and competitive jurisdictions (“swing states” or “battleground states”). Given the relative predictability of outcomes in non-competitive states, presidential election results typically pivot on the outcomes in these battleground jurisdictions, where neither major party maintains a durable electoral advantage.
Within each battleground state, electoral outcomes are frequently determined by vote margins in strategically significant counties. These jurisdictions often contain populous municipalities whose vote tallies substantially influence county-level results, which in turn aggregate to determine statewide Electoral College allocation. This hierarchical relationship between municipal, county, and state-level results creates identifiable pressure points where relatively modest vote shifts could alter statewide outcomes.
The following analysis examines the specific vote thresholds at the state, county, and municipal levels that would have been necessary to reverse the certified 2020 presidential election results. This quantitative framework establishes the evidentiary burden required for allegations of electoral irregularities to meet the materiality threshold—that is, whether alleged irregularities occurred in sufficient magnitude to have plausibly affected the constitutional outcome of the election.
Battleground States
In the wake of the 2020 election, Joe Biden was declared the winner of 306 electoral votes to Donald Trump’s 232, a margin of 74 electoral votes. Analysts generally focus on five Trump‑to‑Biden flip states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
- If Arizona (11 EV), Georgia (16 EV), and Wisconsin (10 EV) had flipped from Biden to Trump, Biden’s total would have dropped by 37 (306 − 37 = 269) and Trump’s would have risen by 37 (232 + 37 = 269), producing a 269–269 Electoral College tie, triggering a House contingent election that, under the then‑current state‑delegation balance, would likely have selected Trump.
- If instead any combination of battlegrounds totaling at least 37 Biden electoral votes had flipped (for example, Pennsylvania (20) + Georgia (16) + one more EV, such as Nebraska‑2, or Pennsylvania + Michigan (16) + any one of AZ/GA/WI), Trump would have reached or exceeded 270 outright and flipped the result.
So, in practice, three of the close battlegrounds (like AZ, GA, WI) was the minimum number to change the 2020 outcome from a Biden win to at least a tied or Trump‑favored result.Figure 1270-to-Win 2020 Electoral College Map
Flipping three of these states would require erasing margins of victory that varied from 0.23% to 2.78% of the total vote cast in those states. The certified vote margins in the 2020 battleground states are summarized in Table 1.
Table 1 Certified Presidential Vote Margins in Battleground States
State | Winner | Margin (Votes) | Margin (%) | Electoral Votes |
Georgia | Biden | +11,779 | +0.23% | 16 |
Arizona | Biden | +10,457 | +0.31% | 11 |
Wisconsin | Biden | +20,682 | +0.63% | 10 |
Pennsylvania | Biden | +80,555 | +1.16% | 20 |
Nevada | Biden | +33,596 | +2.39% | 6 |
Michigan | Biden | +154,188 | +2.78% | 16 |
Any indicators of election fraud, therefore, should be deemed “significant” if the number of votes in question meet or exceed the margin of victory in the pertinent state.
Battleground Counties
We’ve established that only three battleground states would have needed to flip to change the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. Within each of these states, a small number of highly populous counties wield a disproportionate influence over the statewide results. If the integrity of the election process in even one such county is compromised, it could be enough to alter the statewide outcome. When the number of questionable ballots in a county exceeds the reported statewide margin of victory in a race such as the presidential contest, the legitimacy of the entire state’s results is called into question. Based on 2020–2024 analyses of “key” or “battleground” counties in the core swing states (AZ, GA, MI, NV, NC, PA, WI), the counties listed in Table 2 merit enhanced scrutiny due to their influence upon statewide vote totals.
Table 2 Top 15 Counties Influencing Statewide Election Results
# | County | REGISTERED VOTERS[1] | Why it’s important |
1 | Maricopa (AZ) | About 2.6–2.7 million registered voters; Maricopa officials and later reporting reference “all 2.7 million registered voters” when describing the countywide all‑mail elections, indicating the roll size was in that range in 2020. | Contains about 60% of Arizona’s voters and is the decisive battleground within a pivotal swing state; it flipped from Trump in 2016 to Biden in 2020 and was central again in 2024. |
2 | Clark (NV) | The Clark County election department directs to “Voter Registration Totals” for each election; 2020‑specific PDF is not exposed via the 2022 facts‑and‑figures index I can reach, so I cannot give a precise 11/3/2020 total from an official PDF. | Home to Las Vegas and roughly two‑thirds of Nevada’s vote; margins here usually decide whether Nevada stays Democratic or becomes competitive. |
3 | Fulton (GA) | 808,742 registered voters as of November 1, 2020. | Atlanta’s core county; Democrats must run up a large margin and turnout here to offset strong GOP performance in the rest of Georgia. |
4 | Wayne (MI) | 1,406,355 registered voters in Wayne County for the November 3, 2020, general election. | Detroit’s county and Michigan’s population center; Democratic margins and turnout here are crucial for carrying the state. |
5 | Mecklenburg (NC) | The North Carolina State Board of Elections publishes county registration files, but I cannot reach a 11/3/2020‑dated Mecklenburg total in the documents exposed through my current search, so I cannot state a precise number. | Charlotte’s county; rapid growth and Democratic gains make it central to whether North Carolina is winnable for Democrats. |
6 | Dane (WI) | Wisconsin’s state election data include county registration, but I do not see a Dane‑specific Nov. 2020 registration PDF exposed via my current queries, so I cannot give an exact count. | Madison/University of Wisconsin county; a strongly Democratic, fast‑growing base that supplies a large share of the party’s statewide vote. |
7 | Milwaukee (WI) | Same limitation as Dane: the precise Milwaukee County registered‑voter total as of Nov. 3, 2020, is not visible in the state/county PDFs I can reach here. | Core urban vote center; its turnout and margin, combined with Dane and the suburbs, often determines who wins Wisconsin. |
8 | Bucks (PA) | 479,315 registered voters as of November 3, 2020. | One of the Philadelphia collar counties; closely divided and highly educated, watched as a bellwether for Pennsylvania’s overall outcome. |
9 | Montgomery (PA) | 597,101 registered voters as of November 3, 2020. | Large, affluent Philly suburb; substantial Democratic gains here helped flip and then hold Pennsylvania. |
10 | Northampton (PA) | 201,976 registered voters as of November 3, 2020. | Historically bellwether county that has swung between parties and tracked presidential winners in recent decades. |
11 | Erie (PA) | 188,175 registered voters as of November 3, 2020. | Industrial swing county on Lake Erie that flipped from Obama to Trump and then to Biden, emblematic of blue‑collar shifts. |
12 | Lackawanna (PA) | 141,747 registered voters as of November 3, 2020. | Scranton/Biden’s home county; blue‑collar, heavily targeted by both parties as a barometer of working‑class trends. |
13 | Cobb (GA) | Not able to retrieve an official Cobb County or Georgia SoS PDF with a county‑specific registration total as of Nov. 3, 2020, from current search results. | Fast‑changing Atlanta suburbs that moved from reliably Republican to Democratic-leaning, key to Georgia’s battleground status. |
14 | Gwinnett (GA) | Same limitation as Cobb; cannot see a precise registered‑voter count for Nov. 3, 2020. | Fast‑changing Atlanta suburbs that moved from reliably Republican to Democratic-leaning, key to Georgia’s battleground status. |
15 | Pima (AZ) | Arizona’s Secretary of State publishes voter‑registration statistics by county, but my current search did not surface the 2020 general‑election Pima County line with an exact figure, so I cannot quote a precise number. | Tucson’s county; a Democratic anchor whose margin must be strong enough, together with Maricopa, to carry Arizona. |
Table 3 illustrates how few votes in a single pivotal county could have altered the outcome in each core swing state. By showing the minimum number of Biden‑to‑Trump vote flips needed in one large, influential county to reverse the statewide margin, it highlights both the narrowness of the 2020 results and the outsized impact these key jurisdictions can have on the Electoral College.
Table 3 Sample County Vote Tally Flips Needed to Flip a State
State | Example key county | Min Biden→Trump flips in that county to flip state |
Arizona | Maricopa County | 5,229 flips (enough to erase and reverse AZ’s 10,457-vote margin). wikipedia+2 |
Nevada | Clark County | 16,799 flips (enough to erase and reverse NV’s 33,596-vote margin). wikipedia+1 |
Georgia | Fulton County (or Fulton + Cobb + Gwinnett combo) | 5,890 flips (to erase and reverse GA’s 11,779-vote margin). wikipedia+2 |
Michigan | Wayne County | 77,095 flips (as we computed: enough to erase and reverse MI’s 154,188-vote margin). cnn+1 |
Wisconsin | Dane or Milwaukee | 10,342 flips (to erase and reverse WI’s 20,682-vote margin). wikipedia+1 |
Pennsylvania | one large SE PA county (e.g., Bucks/Montgomery) | 40,278 flips (to erase and reverse PA’s 80,555-vote margin). wikipedia |
Any individual or organization seeking to manipulate the results of a statewide election only needs to manipulate the results within a single county thereby significantly reducing risk of exposure.
Strategic Cities
In a modern presidential race, you don’t have to compromise an entire state to change who wins it and you don’t even need to compromise an entire county—you only have to corrupt the vote in the right city. County election outcomes are often determined by the largest city within that county, and only three battleground states would have needed to flip to change the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. In each of these states, a single major urban county wields outsized influence over the statewide result, so undermining the integrity of the election process in just one key city can be enough to tip the state. If the number of manipulated or questionable ballots in that city exceeds the statewide margin of victory in a race such as the presidential contest, the legitimacy of the entire state’s result is called into doubt. For this reason, the cities listed in Table 4 deserve particular scrutiny, because flipping just a few such cities could flip multiple states and, with them, the national election.
Table 4 Key Cities for Flipping Statewide Election Results
City | Registered voters (approx., 2020) | Ballots cast (2020 general) | Turnout vs. registered |
Detroit[2] | 504,714–518,314 registered voters (city roll around Election Day) | 250,138 ballots cast[3] | About 48–50% turnout of registered voters[4] |
Milwaukee[5] | 315,483 registered voters (city of Milwaukee)[6] | 247,695 ballots cast | 78.5% turnout of registered voters |
Philadelphia[7] | 1,129,308 registered voters[8] | 749,317 ballots cast | 66.3% turnout of registered voters |
Phoenix[9] | ~780,000–830,000 registered voters (city of Phoenix; county data by city/district, not a single 2020 city total)[10] | ≈ 600,000–650,000 ballots cast (city of Phoenix; inferred) | Roughly 75–80% turnout of registered voters (city‑level estimate) |
No single official “City of Atlanta” registration total published for Nov. 2020; registration known to have risen sharply from 2017 levels. | City‑only ballots not reported as a single figure; votes are reported primarily at Fulton/DeKalb county level. Total ballots cast in Fulton County during the 2020 election was 528,777. A significant percentage of these ballots are presumed to have been cast in Atlanta, but no official figure is available.[13] | Cannot state a reliable city‑only turnout % from public summaries |
Any individual or organization seeking to manipulate the results of a statewide election only needs to manipulate the results within a single city within a single county thereby further reducing risk of exposure.
Citations
[1] Closest official figure
[2] Detroit unofficial results and later turnout analyses report 250,138 votes and 49.56% turnout using 504,714 registered; city turnout page lists 518,314 registered.
[3] https://apnews.com/article/fact-checking-9742674804
[4] https://votersedfund.com/voting-access/detroitvotes/
[5] Milwaukee Election Commission figures, summarized in a Reuters fact‑check, show 247,695 ballots from 315,483 registered voters, 78.5% turnout.
[6] https://www.reuters.com/article/world/fact-check-posts-claiming-more-votes-than-residents-in-milwaukee-detroit-lans-idUSKBN28E26W/
[7] Philadelphia’s official 2020 general‑election turnout page reports 749,317 total ballots cast out of 1,129,308 registered voters (66.35% turnout). philadelphiaresults.azurewebsites+1
[8] https://philadelphiaresults.azurewebsites.us/Default.aspx
[9] Maricopa County publishes detailed precinct and city registration and vote totals, but easily accessible summaries aggregate at county level; 2020 Phoenix city ballots cast are not given in a single official citywide figure in the public-facing reports I can reach, so this is an informed range, not a precise city total.
[10] https://www.phoenix.gov/content/dam/phoenix/cityclerksite/documents/elections/RegisteredVotersbyDistrict.pdf
[11] Official census population for Atlanta was 498,715 residents in 2020
[12] Public sources discuss growth in Atlanta‑area registration and turnout, but 2020 results and registration are officially reported at county level (Fulton and DeKalb), not as a consolidated “City of Atlanta” turnout line; available analyses give trends, not an exact city‑only turnout numerator and denominator.
[13] https://www.fultoncountyga.gov/news/2020/11/03/november-3-election-results