Reasonable Inference CTCL and the Center for Civic Design (CCD) used internal GIS mapping and geolocation data to determine the physical placement of drop boxes. The documented result – extreme per-voter and per-square-mile disparities favoring Democratic urban precincts nationwide (e.g., 1 box per 4,000 voters in Delaware County, PA vs. 1 per 72,000 in Trump […]
Established Fact Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein, a Brooklyn-based CTCL “grant mentor,” gained physical control over Green Bay’s election night facility – including control of the secret Wi-Fi access point to which all ESS voting machines were connected. He wrote to the City Attorney at 9:29 PM on November 3, 2020, making a dispositive legal determination that late-arriving
Established Fact The WILL Report found a statistically significant increase in Biden votes — estimated at more than 8,000 additional votes in Wisconsin alone — attributable to CTCL grants in the state. The OSC concluded that CTCL’s real motive was to “facilitate increased in-person and absentee voting” in targeted areas among voters fitting a “Biden
Established Fact CTCL’s grant conditions were enforceable contractual obligations with claw-back provisions. Cities were required to: (a) use funds exclusively per the WSVP; (b) maintain existing municipal budgets; (c) obtain CTCL’s approval before deviating from the WSVP’s planned expenditures; and (d) submit full compliance reports to CTCL by January 31, 2021. Kenosha, for example, was
Established Fact A June 2021 analysis by the Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL) — based on open-records data from 196 municipalities — calculated CTCL funding per 2016 voter for each of Wisconsin’s ten largest cities. Among the five CTCL-targeted cities, Milwaukee received $13.82 per voter, Green Bay $36.00 per voter, and Racine $53.41
Established Fact The WEC issued a memo on August 19, 2020 — signed by Administrator Meagan Wolfe and her assistant administrator, but never voted on by the Commission — authorizing unstaffed absentee ballot drop boxes in contravention of then-existing Wisconsin law. The Wisconsin Assembly’s Office of the Special Counsel (OSC) documented that this guidance was
Established Fact The Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan (WSVP) — a grant agreement executed between CTCL and Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha, and Green Bay — allocated $216,500 specifically for absentee ballot drop boxes across the five cities. The Waukesha County Circuit Court in Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission (written order January 20, 2022) subsequently ruled that
Established Fact The Butler County, Pennsylvania Board of Commissioners formally declined CTCL funding, with Commissioner Kimberly Geyer documenting in an official narrative submitted to the United States Department of Justice that acceptance would compromise election integrity by subjecting county operations to the influence of “a private/public entity.” The same document, co-signed by Commissioner Leslie Osche
Established Fact On September 17, 2020, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled that county boards could accept hand-delivered mail-in ballots at locations other than official offices — including drop boxes — a provision absent from Act 77 as enacted by the Republican-controlled Legislature. This judicial modification, combined with CTCL’s private funding of drop box infrastructure concentrated
Established Fact CTCL’s more than $22.5 million investment in Pennsylvania created a constitutionally suspect two-tiered system of voter access. In heavily Democratic Delaware County, private funding established 50 drop boxes — one for every 3.7 square miles and one for every approximately 8,500 registered voters. Across the 56 counties carried by Donald Trump in 2016,
